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Beyond Compliance

(Continued from p.4)

   *   Iraqi compliance with various U.N. Security Council resolutions regarding the cessation of hostili-ties towards its neighbors and ethnic populations;

   *   Serbian compliance with the Dayton and Paris agreements;

   *   North Korean compliance with International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards and its agreement to permit nuclear inspections;

   *   Russian compliance with the terms and conditions of the Nunn-Lugar aid program; and even

   *   European compliance with World Trade Organization (WTO) rulings on bananas!

Yet, Palestinian misconduct and non-compliance with Oslo is exempt from serious criticism.

The message is clear: the U.S. Government expects Israel to live with Palestinian duplicity or risk the loss of U.S. political and materiel support. Secretary of State Albright and her peace process team have been clear on this point. The Wye River conference only highlighted the extent to which the Administration is prepared to exercise its heavy hand toward Israel.

So the questions must now be asked: What if there are no sanctions for Palestinian non-compliance with Oslo? What if the relationship between the parties continues to deteriorate? What if Israel's security position continues to erode in the face of further concessions and Palestinian provocation?

Unfortunately, there are no quick fixes. Yet, with each passing day, the situation is made worse by Israeli policies which are both contradictory and ill-conceived and official statements which are confusing, misleading, or simply wrong. There is little that anyone outside of Israel can do to support policies which are not clearly articulated and consistent over time.

Israel can begin the long process of recovery by taking a few well-advised steps.

First, Israel itself must recognize that Oslo is not the road to peace and that there are alternatives. It must adopt red lines in its dealings with the Palestinians, and demand full and unconditional enforcement of each condition of Oslo before it considers any further concessions. Only Palestinian deeds, not words, expressed in practical and verifiable ways over a long period of time should serve as the basis for further discussions;

Second, Israel must regain its credibility with its friends and allies by speaking frankly and openly about its security concerns, by refusing to trust exclusively in the security guarantees of others, and by refusing to accede to its own incremental dismemberment. Israel must resist the temptation to trade land for foreign aid and new political concessions for time until the next round of one-sided concessions begins;

Third, Israel must argue more forcefully and persuasively than ever that even in a post-Cold War world, the country remains a vital component of U.S. national security and that instability in the Middle East will remain forever a U.S. concern. Israel can do this only if it regains its credibility and can speak through an elected leadership that commands the respect of friends as well as foes;

Fourth, Israel and its friends must revitalize interest in Congress in the country's future. Few Members today can convincingly argue the nuances of Israel's political position. Israel must return to basics and educate its supporters on the critical roles its democracy, geography and military strength play in safeguarding American interests in the region.

Fifth, Israel must reconcile itself to the true nature of the reality in which it finds itself. No temporary peace, no matter how desirable, can or should be purchased at the price of permanent vulnerability. Judging from the vengeful and inflammatory language which continues to pour out daily from all segments of the Palestinian community, both official and unofficial, it is clear that they are a long way from ever recognizing the fact of Israel's existence in the region.

Sixth, Israel must regain its sense of national purpose, shared destiny and historical mission. The



Israel must rid itself of self-doubt and the absurd notion that it alone is obliged to resolve the Palestinian dilemma.



country must rid itself of self-doubt and the absurd notion that it alone is obliged to resolve the Palestinian dilemma. Nowhere is it written that Israel must bear the sole cost for ill-conceived policies hatched over the last century and a half in London, Paris, Moscow, Cairo, Damascus, Baghdad and Washington.

If the only remaining disagreements between Israel and the Palestinians concerned the allocation of shared administrative functions under Oslo, then, perhaps, an accommodation between the two parties might be in the offing some time in the future. Sadly, however, this is not the case. The problems go much deeper and speak to a fundamental clash of civilizations that will not be resolved by appeasement. History and experience have clearly demonstrated that self-deception and illusion are no substitute for strength.

The painful saga of Palestinian non-compliance, Israeli concessions, and American pressure over the last six years is an accurate barometer of Oslo's future. Clearly, the agreement has failed to live up to the promise of its most ardent advocates. The serial killers who have longed to drive Israel into the sea have not been rehabilitated, nor have they ceased scheming on ways to achieve their nefarious ends. The atmosphere of gullibility that has now enveloped many Israelis and Ameri-

(Continued on p..9)


May 1999               - 5 -               Outpost

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