On February 28, 1973, Welsh says he was summoned by a colleague about a communication intercepted from Arafat involving an imminent Black September operation in Khartoum. Within minutes, Welsh recalls, the director of the NSA was notified and the decision was made to send a rare "FLASH" message -- the highest priority -- to the U.S. Embassy in Khartoum via the State Department. But the message didn't reach the embassy in time. Somewhere between the NSA and the State Department, someone decided the warning was too vague. The alert was downgraded in urgency.

The next day, eight members of Black September, part of Arafat's Fatah organization, stormed the Saudi embassy in Khartoum, and took Noel, Moore, and others hostage. A day later, on March 2, 1973, Noel, Moore and Eid were machine-gunned to death -- all, Welsh charges, on the direct orders of Arafat.

In 1985 and 1986, Congress requested then-Attorney General Ed Meese to investigate Arafat's complicity in the murders of the diplomats. However, the one critical piece of evidence needed to warrant an indictment -- the tape recordings -- was not produced by the NSA, the CIA, or the State Department.

"These tapes do exist," claims Welsh. "I participated in their production. But no one has ever been wiling to come forward and acknowledge their existence." Back in 1973, Welsh had received spontaneous transcripts of the dialogue between Arafat and his subordinates. But, under NSA protocol, he was not permitted to keep copies. Under normal procedure, he expected copies of the final transcripts and tapes to arrive on his desk for further analysis. They never came.

Arafat reportedly ordered the eight gunmen to surrender peacefully to the Sudanese authorities. Two were released for "lack of evidence." Later, in June 1973, the other six were found guilty of murdering the three diplomats. They were sentenced to life imprisonment and released 24 hours later to the Palestine Liberation Organization.

During their trial, commander Salim Rizak, also known as Abu Ghassan, told the court: "We carried out this operation on the orders of the Palestine Liberation Organization and should only be questioned by that organization." Sudanese Vice President Mohammed Bakir said, after questioning the six: "They relied on radio messages from Beirut Fatah headquarters, both for the order to kill the three diplomats and for their own surrender Sunday morning." Before surrendering, the Khartoum terrorists demanded the release of Sirhan Bishara Sirhan, the convicted assassin of Sen. Robert F. Kennedy, as well as others being held in Israeli and European prisons. Nixon refused to negotiate.

"I know Yasser Arafat was a direct player in the murder of our diplomats and so has every U.S. administration since Richard Nixon's," says Welsh.

The above is an abbreviated version of the article by Farah, who is editor of WorldNetDaily.com

Post-Zionism

Shlomo Sharan

(Editor's note: The following is excerpted from Sharan's study, "Zionism, the Post-Zionists and Myth: A Critique," published by the Ariel Center for Policy Research.)

An appropriate title for books written by Post-Zionists could be: "An Encyclopedia of Jewish and Zionist Myths." Every idea associated with Zionism, whether drawn from the world of Jewish history, religious tradition and literature, or from Zionist thought in the modern era, received the imprimatur of "myth." But the Post-Zionists have not adopted the term myth in its universal symbolic sense of expressing people's innermost view of the world. Rather they employ the term in its pejorative meaning of fraud and deception. Affixing this sign of Cain to the basic concepts of Zionism leads Post-Zionists to assume that their readers will automatically consider those ideas to be repulsive and disgraceful.

Post-Zionists derive their direction from the post-modern school of social thought which has a fundamentally deconstructionist orientation. This view claims that the links historians make between prior and later events that create the sense of an unfolding of events, of a connection between events and ideas current in different times and places, are the product of interpretation and imagination. From a strictly empirical perspective, says Deconstructionism, each and every event constitutes a separate independent unit that has no necessary link to other such units....[Deconstructionists reinterpret] human existence as a random collection of events and bits of behavior displayed by a motley crowd of people who lack an "identity." An interpretation of this kind allows the Post-Zionists to think that they have virtually dismantled Zionist ideology since it is contingent upon a view of Jewish history as the meaningful continuity of the Jewish people.

The deconstructionist approach to the understanding of human history is nihilistic in the extreme. Hopefully readers of the Post-Zionist books who do not have pre-formulated opinions or prejudices about the matter

Outpost               - 6 -               April 2002