[(Continued from p.3)]brief tenure as Prime Minister following Rabin's assassination. Netanyahu supported the steps of his predecessor in the Golan and went to the Wye Plantation to turn over to the PLO a contiguous area necessary for establishing a Palestinian state. Ironically, it was Ariel Sharon, the father of the cantonal plan, whose main principle was separation of blocs of Arab settlements from each other precisely to prevent the danger of the emergence of a territorial entity, who supported his Prime Minister at the Wye Plantation. Netanyahu's main achievement was giving his party's seal of legitimacy to the policies of the left. Since the Likud and Labor with Meretz and the Arab parties represent the majority, Netanyahu was able to say when he left office that the insane race "running amok toward destruction" (as he characterized the "peace process" in his book, A Place Among the Nations) had the support of the entire nation.
To the credit of Barak one must say that compared to his predecessors as Prime Minister he lies less. He does not openly deceive the public as a whole, or the residents of the Golan Heights in particular, as his mentor Yithak Rabin did. He does not, in the fashion of Netanyahu, compose a flaming credo and before the ink dries overturn every item in it. If Barak says the Israel Defense Forces will flee from Lebanon, they flee. He announces he will betray our allies in Southern Lebanon and he betrays them. Even when he seeks to bring yet another disaster on the head of his people and is not immediately able to bring it about, it is not his fault but the fault of circumstances. If he says he will turn the Golan Heights over to Syria and ethnically cleanse them of Jews and he hasn't yet done it, it is not his fault but that of Assad, who died without prior notice.
Since there has been a timeout on the Syrian front, the Prime Minister hastened to take up three addi-tional steps on the agenda of the peace process: the turnover of Jerusalem, recognition of a Palestinian state, and recognition of the right of return. And so he met Arafat with Clinton at Camp David. The parting U.S. President needs a legacy and the sale of Israel to the Arabs is a golden opportunity, if only because it can be done with the full cooperation of the intended sacrifice.
In contrast to many Jews, for whom the national holy places are nothing but heaps of stone and parts of their homeland are nothing but tradable real estate and a flag is nothing but a rag that waves in the wind, the Arabs are aware of the value of tradition and the symbols of nationality. Jerusalem, a city where Arab rule over the centuries sank it into the pit of backwardness, a city not mentioned in the Koran or even the Palestinian covenant, but which is the heart of the Hebrew nation, vastly more than London is British or Washington American, is willingly turned over to the most cruel enemy of the Jewish people since Hitler. It is like turning out the heart of a man. This, too, the Arabs know well.
The second task Barak prepared to carry out was recognition of the right to return. The right to return is necessary for the Arabs to deepen the delegitimization of the Zionist entity to progress toward the next step (already in preparation on the diplomatic level): return of Israel to the partition borders (of 1947). There, too, the Nazi principle operates of demanding more than the intended victim can swallow in the present stage. On the right of return, the Arabs, in the view of the ordinary Israeli politician, stand on the firm ground of a moral demand -- as merely "correcting the evil committed against the Palestinian nation in the past." Old timers, at least those not yet brainwashed by the new historians, remember that the Arabs of Israel, now called in a species of intellectual disgrace "the Palestinian nation," enthusiastically joined the Arab states which marched forth to destroy Israel the day it was born. It is not difficult to understand their enthusiasm in light of the speech by the then-head of the Arab League, Azzam Pasha, who promised from Cairo that the slaughter of the Jews that would be conducted will be "a war of annihilation and unprecedented slaughter that will be remembered like the Crusades and the slaughters of the Mongols." And so the allies of the Fuhrer of yesterday sought to complete what the Fuhrer was unable to complete "Hitler, greatest of mankind, may Allah show mercy to him, who wanted to erase the Jewish pest and save mankind but did not succeed." (This is from the standard expressions in the writing of Islamic preachers.)
But since the Arabs did not succeed three
years after the first Holocaust in carrying out the new one
they planned, they called their failure
naqba -- Holocaust in [(Continued on p.5)]
[(Continued on p.5)]
Join OPERATION CHIZUK, Departing Wednesday, Nov. 22, Returning Thursday, Nov. 30
At this momentous time in Israel's history, you are invited to join with over 12,000 visitors to Hebron for Parshat Chaye Sarah, Abraham's purchase of Sarah's grave in Hebron, at the Cave of the Patriarchs. In addition, you will visit people on the front lines in Jerusalem, Judea, Samaria, the Golan Heights, and Kiryat Arba. For the first time ever, Chizuk will include a tour of halachically permissible parts of the Temple Mount. Rabbi Dov Lior, Chief Rabbi of Hebron, will lead the group.
Price: $1,350, plus tax. Space is very limited. Register immediately.
Call Rabbi Bruce Rudolph, 212-967-5300, ext. 223, Fax: 212-788-2230, or call AFSI, 212-828-2424.
Outpost - 4 - October 2000