(Continued from p.2)
been caught, unable to move, in the crowds along Ibn Gvirol, a six lane divided street that was packed for five blocks beyond Rabin Square), Orme's feeble reply was "What I said was that the size of the crowd was not what the organizers hoped for." But that is not what he said; he kept falsely emphasizing how thinly-attended the demonstration was.Perhaps Orme-speak should be coined as a new term to apply generally to the many outrageous reports on Israel in the pages of New York Times. For those fed up with Orme-speak, there is the Wall Street Journal.
While the Camp David talks were going on, Charles Krauthammer, whose essays are usually as well thought out as they are well written, wrote columns emphasizing the importance of "finality." If that were to be achieved--an agreement that the conflict was over, that the Palestinians had no further claims against Israel, and it was then ratified by the United States and enshrined in a Security Council Resolution--Camp David, wrote Krauthammer, "will be regarded as a great milestone in history."
Such a declaration--even with U.S. and UN "ratification"--would have meant nothing, nor will it mean anything if the idea is resuscitated in future negotiations. A Palestinian declaration would not bind any of the other Arab states, nor would it prevent a Palestinian state from endorsing their claims. Syria has the only obvious territorial claim but a number of Arab states can demand "the right to return" on behalf of "Palestinian refugees" living under their jurisdictions.
Second, there is no reason to believe Arafat (or his successor) would honor such a declaration any more than previous commitments have been honored. Indeed, Professor Rashid Khalidi, a prominent Palestinian, promptly announced that "were Arafat to sign a piece of paper in Camp David stating that the conflict is over, it will not be over; the paper will be worthless."
Krauthammer is aware of the emptiness of Arafat's commitments: hence his emphasis on U.S. backing to uphold such a declaration and a new UN resolution. But who can seriously believe that such a U.S. "guarantee" would stand up in the future? The Wye agreement Netanyahu signed under U.S. duress was supposed to build in Palestinian compliance step by step so that Israel would not make further withdrawals until Arafat acted to implement his commitments.
Arafat,
of course, reneged, but U.S. pressure for
Israeli withdrawals
continued unabated. The new Palestinian state would merely
have to assert that its new claim was "implied" under the
existing agreement for the U.S. to squeeze Israel
once again, in order
to avoid what it deems the greatest danger of all -- armed con-
[(Continued on p.12)]
(Continuedfrom p.10)
(or his successor) down the road.
In following the appeasement path, the government has been urged and harassed by Israel's media and American Jews. President Clinton, whose hero is President Kennedy, resembles much more the late president's father. As ambassador to Great Britain, Joseph Kennedy played a mischievous role, assuring the British that Hitler was a man with whom one could do serious business. Madeleine Albright reminds one of Lord Halifax, unskilled at all policy but surrender. Barak froths pious platitudes while Israel's foemen forge their arms.
Only Churchill, in the face of demands for surrender, could say in words that still stir the soul: "If this long island history of ours is to end at last, let it end only when each of us lies choking on the ground in his own blood."
By contrast, Barak revealed at Camp David that he is prepared to let our long history in the Land of Israel end at last.
Ruth King is a member of the executive committee of Americans For a Safe Israel.
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